By Ajai
Shukla
Philadelphia,
USA
Business Standard, 23rd May 16
In 2008, the
US Congress passed an innocuously titled legislation --- the “Naval Vessel
Transfer Act” --- that has committed Washington to providing Israel a
“qualitative military edge” over every potential adversary.
That act bound
every US president to ensure Israel always has the “ability to counter and
defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual state or
possible coalition of states or from non-state actors, while sustaining minimal
damages and casualties.”
Now, in similar
fashion, the US Congress is binding future American presidents, whatever their
alliances or foreign policies, to nurturing US-India defence ties.
On Thursday,
the US House of Representatives passed the “US India Defense Technology and
Partnership Act”, as an amendment to the National Defence Authorization Act
(NDAA) --- which authorizes the US military to spend Budget allocations. Initiated
by Representative George Holding, and supported by most of the House, this
highlights Congress’ dramatic swing towards India and away from Pakistan.
The US Congress
often passes important, but potentially divisive Bills, by tagging them as
amendments to larger, compulsory Bills like the NDAA. A stand-alone Bill would
be extensively debated, allowing potential opponents to oppose them. It is
easier to pass them as an amendment to another less contentious Bill.
The passage
of the Bill has not been without tension. Pro-India lobbies have worked discreetly
to tamp down opposition from Congressmen disappointed with the tardy pace of
India’s defence and economic reforms. There is also ire in Washington about New
Delhi’s continued stonewalling of bilateral “foundational agreements”, even
though American and Indian officials have agreed on the drafts of two --- the
Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), and the Communications and
Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA). Anti-India critics complain
that India has never fought alongside the US, the way allies like the UK and
Australia have.
Even so,
the growing pro-India mood in the House ensured the Bill comfortably passed. Congressional
practice now requires the upper house, the Senate, to pass a similar
“companion” Bill. On May 9, Senators Mark Warner and John Cornyn, introduced
such a Bill, entitled “Advancing U.S.-India Defense Cooperation Act”. Senator
Warner, a democrat; and Senator Cornyn, a republican, co-chair the Senate’s bipartisan,
35-member India Caucus which promotes Washington’s relations with New Delhi.
After the Senate
passes the Warner-Cornyn Bill, as appears likely, the House and Senate versions
of the Bill must be reconciled. This is done either by a formal committee, or
through a series of Amendments in each chamber until the Bill looks the same in
both. This would not be difficult, since the Senate and House versions are
already close to identical. The agreed joint version would then be signed into
US law.
American legislators
are increasingly conscious of the Cold War divergence between India and the US;
and Washington’s continuing support for Pakistan, which makes New Delhi regard the
US as a potentially fickle partner. The new Bill aims at reassuring New Delhi of
American strategic commitment.
Towards
this, the House Bill (just passed) and the Senate Bill (under process) require
the US president to “formalize India’s status as a major partner of the United
States.” It remains unclear what this status would be. New Delhi’s historical
non-alignment rules out a formal treaty, like the North Atlantic Treaty
Alliance (NATO) that binds the US and several European countries into a mutual
defence arrangement. New Delhi might also be hesitant to be designated a “major
non-NATO ally” (MNNA) --- which does not automatically include a mutual defence
pact, but which permits Washington to extend a range of defence and financial
benefits. The US currently has 15 designated MNNAs, including Australia, Japan
and Pakistan. In 2014, Israel was elevated from an MNNA into a higher category
and designated a “major strategic partner”.
For now,
US-India defence ties are covered only by a 2015 executive agreement entitled
“Framework for the US-India Defence Relationship”, which is valid for a decade.
This follows previous, less comprehensive agreements signed in 1995 and 2005.
The new
bill also requires the president to strengthen the Defence Technology and Trade
Initiative, and the India Rapid Reaction Cell --- a Pentagon department that
irons out wrinkles in defence ties.
The india-US defence engagements were so flawed and meaningless in substance that it flopped long time ago.
ReplyDeleteThe bottom line is that we cannot use US made weapons on pakistan(or china) and this underlines the scope of our relationship.
The americans giveth(weapons) and the americans taketh it away when required.