By Ajai
Shukla
Business Standard, 6th Dec 2014
The storm
clouds gather over Kabul, even as the two political leaders who jointly head
the National Unity Government, President Ashraf Ghani and Chief Executive
Abdullah Abdullah, start cooperating grudgingly despite their rivalry. Both turned
up in Brussels on Tuesday to sign an agreement with the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO) to launch Operation Resolute Support on January 1, 2015.
This will
be a NATO-led non-combat mission, in which 12,000 alliance troops will remain
in Afghanistan to train and advise the Afghan National Defence and Security
Forces (ANDSF), which is combating a resurgent Taliban.
On
Thursday, the two leaders participated in the London Conference, where donor
countries reassured them that international funds would continue flowing to
Kabul during the so-called “Transformation Decade” from 2015-2024.
Yet, the wind
is shifting dramatically in Afghanistan where NATO will complete its troop drawdown
this month. Underlining the new realities, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of
Pakistan was the only foreign head of government at the London Conference.
While
Secretary of State John Kerry represented the US, other foreign delegations
were relatively low key. Minister of State for External Affairs General VK
Singh represented India.
Away from
the conference table, nobody is sure what role Pakistan is playing on the
ground. A fortnight of unrelenting Taliban strikes in heavily protected Kabul has
dashed cold water on President Ghani’s hopes that reaching out directly to
Pakistan’s army might cause the Taliban to be reined in.
On November
14, on his first state visit to Pakistan, President Ghani had bypassed protocol
by driving down to the Pakistan Army headquarters in Rawalpindi to visit army
chief, General Raheel Sharif even before meeting Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif.
There, Ghani
and his senior-most security managers were “briefed” on the situation along the
Durand Line, which forms the border between the two countries. According to a
Pakistani military statement, Ghani promised to work with Pakistan “to jointly
curb the menace of terrorism.”
Three weeks
earlier, Ghani had put distance between Kabul and Delhi by cancelling a request
by his predecessor, Hamid Karzai, for Indian weaponry. At the SAARC summit on
December 4, Ghani said he would not allow “proxy war to be waged from
Afghanistan, a statement welcomed by Islamabad. Analysts believe these moves
were to generate goodwill with the Pakistani army.
During Karzai’s
presidency, his key demand of Islamabad was to bring the Taliban to the
negotiating table. If that is what the Pakistan army has promised Ghani, it has
spectacularly failed to deliver so far.
Over the
last fortnight, the Taliban mounted a three-day assault on the massive Camp
Bastion in Helmand, killing five Afghan soldiers; suicide-bombed a volleyball
match in Paktika, killing 80 spectators; and staged some 10 attacks on
foreigners, including one on a heavily protected guest house in Kabul, killing three
South Africans. On Sunday, Kabul’s police chief was forced to resign.
These
attacks have been linked with the incendiary statement by one of the Taliban’s
ideological fathers, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) leader Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman,
soon after Ghani’s visit to Pakistan, that violence in Afghanistan was a
legitimate struggle against foreign occupation.
This line
was echoed by the usually moderate Sartaj Aziz, Pakistan’s National Security
Advisor, who said the Taliban were old friends who posed no threat to Pakistan.
Islamabad quickly backtracked, saying that Aziz had spoken in a “historical
context”.
Whatever
the cause, the Taliban’s recent spate of attacks suggests the traditional
“summer offensive” has given way to an unprecedented “winter offensive”. The
“summer offensive” of 2015 seems likely to be even more violent.
Northern
Alliance leader, Amrullah Saleh, an influential associate of Abdullah Abdullah
and the former chief of Afghanistan’s premier intelligence agency, the National
Directorate of Security, has speculated in an op-ed written for Al Jazeera that
the Taliban might no longer be obeying orders from Pakistan.
“Has
Pakistan's army lost control of the Taliban? Does Pakistan want to gain more concessions
from the West and from Afghans by forcing Afghanistan into an unequal treaty
limiting its foreign relations and defence posture? Is there an x-factor that
needs to be unpuzzled?” wrote Saleh.
Meanwhile,
Pakistan continues military operations --- called Operation Zarb-e-Azb --- in
North Waziristan, along the Afghan border. Washington has just released $1.1
billion to the Pakistani military for expenses incurred, according to an AFP
report.
The London
Conference is a follow on to the Tokyo Conference of 2012, which embodied a
partnership between Afghanistan and the international community. The “Tokyo
Mutual Accountability Framework” was established, which spelt out global aid
commitments and accountability mechanisms for the government in Kabul.
In Tokyo,
the World Bank indicated that Afghanistan’s average annual fiscal gap till 2017
would be $3.3-3.9 billion dollars, depending upon its growth rate. The
international community committed to providing over $16 billion through 2015.
Ajai -
ReplyDeleteTyping error : "On Sunday, Kabul’s policy chief was forced to resign."
It should be the police chief and not policy chief.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-30267038
Well.. I assume Afghans have a policy chief as well, and that role is not outsourced to Pakistan. :-)
Afghanistan is forced to go back to Pakistan due to 2 reasons. First, a weak leadership. Second, lack of support from countries like India and Iran, who have enormous stake in Afghanistan. India should immediately provide military aid by giving Arjun MBT's, Pinaka MBRL's, Tejas jets, etc. This will boost the capability and also the morale of the Afghan forces. India should also consider deploying special forces, an Indian Army corp and around 5-6 squadrons for fighter jets. This will serve 2 purpose. First, they can also help in the fight against Taliban. Second, it will open a new front for Pakistan. This will force the Pakistan Army to focus on its western front also. It will be of tremendous advantage to Indian military, in-case of any conflict with Pakistan.
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