By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 19th Nov 14
As recently as the 1970s and
1980s, Australia viewed India with wariness, given the dynamics of the Cold War.
Australia worried that a powerful Indian Navy would uphold Soviet Union
interests in the Indian Ocean. And India’s naval build up did not sit well with
Canberra’s advocacy of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace (IOZP).
All that is now history, as is
evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s just concluded trip to Australia. With
an assertive China racing ahead of Australia, Japan and India, the interests of
these lesser powers have sharply converged.
At first this convergence was
hesitant and apologetic. In 2007, when China questioned why the American,
Australian, Japanese, Indian and Singaporean navies were training together in
Exercise Malabar, New Delhi acknowledged Beijing’s ire by reverting to
bilateral Indo-US Malabar exercises, with Japan occasionally participating.
The non-confrontationist United
Progressive Alliance defence minister, AK Antony, also curbed India’s military diplomacy
in the Asia-Pacific, apparently to placate Beijing.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government has emphatically abandoned that
reticence. Last month, during the prime minister’s visit to the US, New Delhi
and Washington jointly backed the need for free passage in the South China Sea,
and agreed to “upgrade” Malabar.
Now, at the close of Mr Modi’s
three-day visit to Australia, New Delhi and Canberra announced a new “Framework
for Security Cooperation” that will guide close collaboration in defence,
counter-terrorism, cyber security and maritime security.
A joint statement announced: “Prime
Minister Modi and Prime Minister Abbott decided to extend defence cooperation
to cover research, development and industry engagement. They agreed to hold
regular meetings at the level of the Defence Minister (sic), conduct regular
maritime exercises and convene regular Navy to Navy, Air Force to Air Force and
Army to Army staff talks.”
Even so, the two sides face
structural challenges in translating the new framework into actual security
cooperation. India’s focus is on the Indian Ocean, while Australia looks
towards East Asia and the Pacific. Australia is a close US ally; while New
Delhi steadfastly ploughs an independent and non-confrontationist furrow, which
Canberra sees as pusillanimity. Australia has been ambivalent about its
relationship with China. Kevin Rudd, who was prime minister from 2007-2010 and
then again briefly in 2013, strongly backed an “Asian Australia” and close ties
with China, causing unease in New Delhi and other regional capitals.
In contrast, Australia’s current
prime minister has displayed no such ambiguity. During his visit to New Delhi
in September, the two countries announced they would hold their first bilateral
maritime exercise in 2015, which is likely to extend into joint training on a
regular basis. The Indian Navy is keen on making this a sophisticated exercise
that coordinates combat drills instead of a non-controversial rather than a
ceremonial one that takes shelter behind the rubric of humanitarian assistance
and disaster relief (HADR) and search and rescue (SAR) operations.
That Australia is ready for a substantive
engagement is evident from its 2013 Defence White Paper, which emphasised the
need to build stronger defence relations with India. A “Country Strategy
Document” followed that in short order, identifying the Indian Navy as a
crucial maritime partner.
Australian analysts like David
Brewster, an analyst with Gateway House, Mumbai, argue that forums like the
Indian Ocean Rim – Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC) provide
opportunities for India-Australia security cooperation; as does the Indian
Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS), an Indian initiative that promotes interaction
between regional navies.
There is also scope for
cooperation in anti-proliferation initiatives relating to weapons of mass
destruction (WMD). “Australia’s involvement in the Australia Group (which it
chairs) can be an opportunity to champion the inclusion of India in the Group and
other international non-proliferation regimes”, says Brewster.
That Mr Modi sees Australia as
an important partner was made clear during his barnstorming speech to a joint
sitting of Australia’s parliament in Canberra, where he won over the audience
with humour and cricket analogies.
“It has taken a Prime Minister
of India 28 years to come to Australia. It should never have been so. And, this
will change. Australia will not be at the periphery of our vision, but at the
centre of our thought”, said Mr Modi.
to broadsword
ReplyDeletewhats your take on russia selling mi35 to pakistan, and what if they sell subs to pakistanis as well???
please verify the cost comparision between mi35 and apache?
if light weight howitzer are costly then why not apaches ???
to broadsword
ReplyDeleteand is it true that modi also told putin to leave ukrain?? and if its true why media never showed this news ??
and it seems thats why their defense minister is in pakistan.
It's India's err congis aka Nehru myopic vision which has pushed India not to the periphery but to the brink.
ReplyDeleteNo one cares about Australia.
ReplyDelete